Interview Mauritius Times 26.04.2024

“The opposition in our country is still relatively strong, but the opposition parties are weak”

Interview: Chetan Ramchurn

* ‘Barely a couple of months back MSM supporters thought that it would be a walkover win for them. This is no longer the case’

* ‘Rejection of the MSM does not automatically translate into votes for the Opposition parties. They will have to work harder…’

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As Mauritius gears up for potential general elections, all eyes are on the upcoming Labour Day rallies, which will reveal the current political dynamics. Chetan Ramchurn, a seasoned observer of Mauritian politics, sheds light on the implications of the PMSD’s departure from the opposition alliance and discusses the strategies and obstacles faced by both the ruling and opposition parties. From addressing electoral fatigue to the need for new leadership, Chetan Ramchurn dissects the intricacies of Mauritius’ political landscape. As the nation approaches a pivotal moment, the interview also explores the factors that will influence the outcome of the elections.

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Mauritius Times: This 1st of May holds particular significance as it appears that the Prime Minister may announce general elections sometime this year. The crowds at the Labour Day rallies will provide insight into the “rapport de forces” on the ground, but the assistance of activists and party sympathizers at the “reunions de mobilisation” of both alliances indicates substantial support for each. It’s shaping up to be a tough battle, isn’t it?

Chetan Ramchurn: Indeed, there seems to be significant hype around the Labour Day rallies. The general elections are on the horizon and while the remote control for the short timetable of events rests with the sitting PM. I say short for the present mandate will soon come to an end, and the obligation to organise by-elections within 240 days hovers above the MSM’s head. A defeat at the No.10 by-elections would verily disrupt their plans. Jugnauth will in all probability go for general elections sooner rather later.

This last first of May rally prior to the general elections also comes against the backdrop of a simmering political cauldron. The PMSD has left the opposition alliance, ending long months of tumultuous bed fellowship more with the MMM than the Mauritius Labour Party (MLP). This paves the way to serve the electorate an amended version of the 2014 remake; the MLP and the MMM join whatever is left of their forces once again with the trio of dissenters from the PMSD and in all likelihood a veneer of ‘difference’ or ‘leftism’ from fringe parties and their members.

Disappointingly, non-mainstream parties seem eager to auction their ideals even at the expense of losing their bearings in the finalisation of this pact. If they merely ape the thoughts of the main parties, where lies the difference? They have yet to get the narrative right. As Antoine de Saint-Exupéry would say: « Si tu diffères de moi, mon frère, loin de me léser, tu m’enrichis. »

The MSM watches. In the last decade, it has ‘transformed’ institutions into weapons that presently wait to strike its opponents should the need arise. It has campaigned consistently since it was elected in 2019. How could it not? 62% of the electorate voted against the governing alliance in the last elections which should remind us of the following: despite the billions spent distributing money to key segments, despite the many lackeys hyping it, more than 6 out of 10 of Mauritians did not deem the winning alliance as trustworthy. This should remind us of the following: the opposition in our country is still relatively strong, but the opposition parties are weak.

There are some days left before Labour day and we have to hope that they use this event to bolster what Prashant Kishor terms the 4 Ms: the Message, Messenger, Machine (referring to the party or parties involved), and Mechanics (the process of connecting the leader with the masses).

* The departure of the PMSD from the LP-MMM-PMSD alliance, for reasons not entirely clear to this day, may have weakened the “force de frappe” of that alliance. Winning could now be more challenging for Ramgoolam and Bérenger. Do you share this perspective?

The timing of the separation certainly raises questions on the intent of the PMSD. Bhadain claims that the 35-25 breakdown of tickets has been known for long. That the finer details of the deal were apparently not known to the PMSD surprises many. As leader of the opposition, Duval personified the rejection of the MSM and its many scandals and, overnight, he is mum about the billions allocated to drains and the clear project management issues.

To be honest, winning would have been challenging even with PMSD staying alongside the MLP and MMM. Their contribution to votes in the rural region is scant. What seemed clear to me since 2014 was that the MLP needed to introspect, reconnect with its base and grow organically. In business terms, it has pursued a merger and acquisition (M&M) strategy, once again embracing the 40+40 mantra. The electorate’s high rejection of the MSM does not imply automatic allegiance to the mainstream opposition parties. The latter will have to work harder.

There seems to be renewed energy within opposition ranks since the PMSD’s departure. Now no longer in an alliance with the MLP and the MMM, the PMSD will have no qualms in spreading the narrative that Ramgoolam is being manipulated by Berenger. The MLP and the MMM must counteract this perception.

* Apart from what is widely suspected to be the ruling alliance’s access to a significant war chest, the MSM has also shown a willingness to employ any means necessary to achieve its objectives. Do you believe the tide is turning against them this time?

Nothing will be off limits once again. Nearly a decade of power marked by glaring mismanagement and widespread corruption will certainly impact the MSM’s electoral prospects. But rejection of the MSM however does not automatically translate into votes for the mainstream opposition parties. They will have to work harder and not succumb to hubris like in 2014.

* Just like in 2014, the need for regime change has once again brought the Labour Party and the MMM together. However, to win the electorate’s confidence, they must also demonstrate that their partnership is going to be workable should they win the next elections. Do you believe there are valid concerns about this?

The situation in 2014 was different.

The ill-fated second republic… that constitutional imbroglio caused a backlash as well as the equal repartition of tickets. In 2024, nothing of the sort is on the agenda. Still, creating an alliance to overthrow the present regime means nothing if we do not know, to paraphrase Slavoj Zizek, what happens the morning after.

Let us hope that those advocating for change are aware of this. If not, we might be facing another Illovo or smart city scheme in the coming years.

* In addition to agreeing on key posts and electoral tickets, is it crucial for there to be consensus within the Opposition alliance on major economic policies? This question arises considering the minimal ideological differences between the parties today. What do you think?

The mainstream opposition hosts some of the architects of the first Illovo deal and the Integrated Resort Scheme as well as proponents of the flat tax regime (that enduringly crippling measure) and the Real Estate Scheme. The uninterrupted pandering to the oligarchy has to be stopped.

In 2023, the Fabian society gave its list of priorities for a Labour government. These included measures to protect against inequality in the early years, affordable housing and raising living standards amongst others. A common ground on economic direction would be the first step.

* When considering a common minimum programme for the LP-MMM alliance, governance of the country emerges as a key concern. What specific proposals do you have in mind that could signify a departure from what we have been subjected to over the last couple of years?

Greater opportunities for those at the lower rungs of the economic ladder have to be created. Assistance to entrepreneurs through a monthly stipend in the first 18 months would help them navigate through the turpitudes of the business world as would free training to them.

A special attention to the ageing population would be most welcome. Merely giving senior citizens money neither alleviates their loneliness nor ensures their safety. A more caring approach to them would include better access to medical facilities and a rethinking of our infrastructure.

Bolstering democracy through recall elections is a priority. So many sitting MPs have been found inept. Ensuring that these no longer remain in office would instill greater faith in our system.

Drum Roll (Le Mauricien 01.08.2023)

How Ramgoolam’s musical performance sent the governing alliance fanatics into a meltdown and laid bare the fear that has gained their ranks.

On last Saturday evening, lo and behold, a new video was unveiled; that of the Mauritius Labour Party’s leader exhibiting his mastery of cymbals and drums. Was it improvised or staged? No one quite knows.  Still, that it was shared online was a slick political manoeuvre, a rare one from the MLP since its defeat in 2014.

Deftness at music is a tried and tested recipe. Clinton played the saxophone, Obama offered a moving rendition of ‘Amazing Grace’ during Clementa Pinckney’s eulogy and even the much-maligned Nixon was something of a piano-virtuoso. While musical talent does not automatically translate into great leadership skills it carries a cool cachet that is undeniable. Certainly more than zip lining in work clothes. Boris Johnson, who most likely served as model for this PR stunt, has undoubtedly more than a few cases of sheer buffoonery under his belt but at least he is an original and has the gift of the gab.

What happened in its aftermath was much more interesting. That the former prime minister can play an instrument is known but that his ‘coolness’ became on display again ruffled feathers within government ranks more than it should have.  The next morning, supporters of those in power were vehement on radio waves, rehashing episodes that have now become stale, the coffers and denunciations on his private life. This was replicated online. A press conference was even convened by two government members to dissect Ramgoolam’s legal woes which reaped more derogatory comments against the government and its members than against their target.

Image has been everything since January 2017. Spectacles are staged and followers gained. Every single activity is a photo op. The farcical is on display. Capital intensive projects mushroom around the Republic with a ferocious appetite. And all of a sudden, in this cauldron of make-believe, their opponent gets groovy and disrupts everything without spending a dime.

The battle between past and present disappointments rages on.

What a sorry sight our democracy is.

Manoeuvring against discontent (Le Mauricien 06.06.2023)

Chetan Ramchurn

The billions spent on gargantuan infrastructural projects, the strong arm tactics against adversaries, the prime ministerial-like image of Jugnauth crafted by marketers and the carrots fed to the population notwithstanding, those in power only managed to sway 37.7% of votes in their favour in 2019. Despite an often-clueless opposition, there is concern among those with strong interest and sizeable gains in perpetuating the present regime that the ground might be slipping from their feet as a result of the accumulation of the many scandals and the monster that inflation is. The latter might lead their grip on their vote banks to wane. With an economic system that thrives on a weak rupee, price rises cannot be tamed for very long as the population shall discover soon enough. The attempt of the government to generate a feel-good mood through money distribution may never quite materialise.

Carter as lodestar

That the MSM’s Minister of Finance chose a Jimmy Carter quote as epigraph for the budget should come as no surprise. The parallels are glaring. Burton I. Kaufman and Scott Kaufman, authors of a seminal work on Carter, write of his presidency;

“he was a president who never adequately defined a mission for his government, a purpose for the country, and a way to get there.”

There is not much of a roadmap for the country these days; where do we go from here? Where are the new sectors? Where do the new jobs come from? How do we correct inequality? How do we stop the rampant corruption? Incidentally, the parallels might not stop there. Carter had a rabid hate for his predecessor, Gerald Ford, and would ask his advisers the same question every single day:

“Don’t you think I should put Gerald in jail? […] I can do that, right? Send someone who lost the election and no longer has any official political power to prison, just because I feel like it?”

The fake good factor

As expected, a cunning budget was presented to quell the growing restlessness of voters. I say ‘cunning’ for it is not built on profound intelligence, i.e neither one that understands never mind corrects the many nagging woes of our society nor does it hold up to the ‘progressive’ cachet that has been ascribed to it by ‘experts’. There are, as in all budgets, some inspired measures like the one advocating an inheritance for all but even that is shabbily dressed with little explanation on the philosophy behind it (“It is our contribution for them to start a new chapter of their life.”) In 2015, I penned an article based on Anthony Atkinson’s book on Inequality. One of the bold ideas propounded in his work is that of an inheritance for all.

“Atkinson reminds us that inheritance allows the wealthy to conserve their position at the top of distribution. To counter this, he recommends that a capital endowment (minimum inheritance) should be paid at adulthood. An idea dating back to Thomas Paine who advised the creation of a national fund from which every person reaching the age of 21 was offered a compensation for the loss as the result of landed property. In modern times, this ‘inheritance’ could take the form of a start-up grant for young people as recommended by Le Grand and Reich.” 

What this government does instead of elevating this measure to a stepping stone for young people is reduce it is to a mere gift. Could it not have been linked to the creation of an enterprise, or vocational and academic uplifting for those individuals? Most certainly but this Government has transformed it into yet another electoral carrot.

Socialism à la Padayachy

In the present exercise, Padayachy dutifully follows the capitalists’ demands and paves way for the easier recruitment of foreign workers thereby further exposing Mauritian workers to lower wages and layoffs. This is the MSM’s way of caring for them apparently. The much hyped progressive tax is very much a misnomer. Without the solidarity tax, high income earners (above Rs 3M) will now be paying 20% instead of 40% under the previous regime. How can this be termed ‘progressive’? 

The deterioration of public education (laid bare in the Parliament with results of the extended programme and its 2% pass rate) and health (where a lack of leadership seems evident) have not been addressed. This will further be accelerated with the decision to resort to private services instead of bolstering public hospitals for eye surgeries.  

This socialism à la Padayachy is no socialism at all. Shunning direct taxes in favour of consumption taxes which will impact poor families most is not progressive. The writing is on the wall, while the most well off will be paying less taxes, the bulk of the burden will be shouldered by the middle and lower classes.

Window dressing and several flyovers

The more astute observers highlight that the deficit of 3.9% of GDP does not include expenditure incurred by Special Funds standing at Rs 6.2B. For 2023-24 the budget deficit estimate is 4.9% of GDP but excludes spending to the tune of Rs 18.7B made from special funds. Greater transparency on the state of our finances from those pretending to guide us is mandatory.

Developing the tramway network across the country seems to be an obsession of the present regime, sometimes against logic with La Vigie earmarked to be connected next. But even that pales in comparison with the speed with which flyovers are being constructed. 4 new ones will be built and delivered by August 2024. With the country living above its means, were these projects required in a most urgent manner.

Former economist of a section of the private sector, Padayachy’s doctoral dissertation dealt with an analysis of poverty in Mauritius. His penultimate budget leaves little doubt on where his allegiances lie. 

References:

Tilted Scales by Chetan Ramchurn (Le Mauricien 2nd September 2015)

https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2019/01/14/carterism

https://www.lemauricien.com/actualites/societe/cancers-a-maurice-en-2021-mortalite-en-hausse-de-10-et-leger-recul-de-06-des-cas-detectes/540678/

https://www.lemauricien.com/le-mauricien/parlement-lechec-de-lextended-programme-fait-monter-la-tension/556486/

Interview Mauritius Times 17.03.2023

Neutering Populism (16.01.2023 in Le Mauricien)

Go Bold or Go Home (Le Mauricien 06.09.22)

Us

by Chetan Ramchurn

 « C’est une expérience éternelle que tout homme qui a du pouvoir est porté à en abuser. »¹

Political reigns since December 2014 have been soaked in chaos so much so that the better part of the mandates had an end of reign feel to them. The abrupt dismantling of the BAI has created ripples felt to this day, the mishandling of the Betamax agreement with taxpayers having to the foot the bill, the soiling of our institutions with nondescript political nominees and their subsequent gross mismanagement, the consolidation of the historic bourgeoisie with the smart city scheme and the MIC, incompetent ministers, vendetta attempts against opponents, futile spending sprees, the devaluation of the rupee, the terrible mess in law enforcement amidst corruption scandals have weakened the country.

In Mauritius, the mantra for electoral success is composed of divisions along communal and casteist lines, money politics, promises without regard for their economic consequences, a servile posture towards the ruling class, and the pimping of religious events into public meetings. Mauritians have fallen prey to this time and time again. In 2022, one of the most worrying features remains the sway of populism over Mauritians. While members of the governing alliance have indulged into it wholeheartedly, former MPs and Ministers with tarnished records and with past association with those in office have also engaged in attention mongering through threats of hunger strikers and revelations on the current regime. This noise which conveys a lack of clarity dims any chance of change. An indiscernible political proposal with rejects that have done the country harm remains unsurprisingly unpalatable.

We seem to be stuck in a loop with déjà vu all over the political landscape: dynasties perpetuated at our expense, sycophants working for the oligarchy or the better interests of the family or in laws while pretending to be protectors of public weal and having recourse to the ethnic card whenever there is a dip in popularity. The non mainstream opposition is certainly more vocal and despite the dearth of proposals and a maniacal hunger for attention that clouds most of its initiatives, it has ruffled the Government by disclosing cases of police brutality. Calls for the bolstering of purchasing power have been answered by paltry remedies in the latest budget. All of this does not constitute a sustainable remedy to the enduring purchasing power decline.

« Il va jusqu’à ce qu’il trouve des limites. Qui le dirait ? La vertu même a besoin de limites. »²

How did we land into this sorry mess? How did we transform individuals bereft of any of the Roman virtues into all powerful beings that have bent the system to their advantage. We have satisfied ourselves with one voting expedition every 5 years for too long. Elected ones are left without surveillance and have grown rogue. We have been sitting ducks. No one can save us but ourselves.

Salvation cannot come from seasoned actors busy rehashing their shtick on public platforms. A bogus winning formula around the bonding of opposition parties remains impotent. As Prashant Kishor puts it “United opposition is not necessarily a strong opposition.” As Kishor elaborates, without the narrative, and ground dynamics, not much is likely to happen.

We do not need entertainers to represent us; those who will indulge in imitating their lame opponents, those that will indulge in lives on social platforms to say absolutely nothing, the individuals that have been associated with drug lords and have morphed into pro bono saviours overnight or those that will indulge in self glorification using movie titles. We have to save ourselves.

« Pour qu’on ne puisse abuser du pouvoir, il faut que, par la disposition des choses, le pouvoir règle le pouvoir. »³

With no restrictions imposed upon MPs and Ministers, we face havoc. Exuberance in the spending on capital projects will further ruin our country. The middle class is likely to be further squeezed whilst the capitalists have their whims and wishes granted. Unless, we roll up our sleeves, we will see this country run for the better interests of the haves and their stooges. To fight against the shenanigans of those meant to represent us, citizens need an arsenal of weapons to control their representatives.

Referendums

Consulting and abiding by the population’s choice at regular intervals would make sense. Participative democracy would give people a greater say over major decisions. Would the loss-making tramway project have been approved by the people of the country? Would they give the green light to the nonsensical extension of its network to Côte d’Or? Would they approve the Smart City Scheme or the flat tax? Would they not abolish the Vice Presidency? Would they condone hefty hotel refurbishment schemes? Would they put a halt to exporting monkeys to research labs abroad? Would you agree with your country not being autonomous on the energy front? Decisions with ruinous consequences cannot be made by people that receive financing for their own election and commissions through private entities.

The Charles F. Sexton Chair in American Enterprise, Professor of Finance and Business Economics, & Executive Director of Initiative and Referendum Institute of the University of Southern California, John Matsusaka identifies 6 direct democracy-related reforms for the United States that could be tweaked to fit within the Mauritian context. In his latest work, the researcher proposes 6 types of reforms:

Advisory referendums called by Congress: debates and issues are submitted in this model to voters. The outcome would not be binding upon  Congress.

Advisory referendums called by petition: If any change is to come, it has to be the people’s doing. This would allow citizens to bring to the forefront debates that they would like to bring to the limelight. In recent times, greater attention to the end of life of senior citizens has become an important issue. This was debated last year in the House of Lords. Mauritius would do well to see how to provide assistance to people in the final stages of their lives. Over the last year, readers would have come across several cases where people die in solitude with no one knowing about it for days or weeks. This is of concern. Another issue that would require greater spotlight is sexual crimes against children. Many including the author deem that the paedophilia cases in Rodrigues were not dealt with a proper manner. Did officials ensure that these children and adolescents were properly accompanied, was psychological support offered to the victims and their families and was the proper cadre constituted for other victims to come forward with testimonials?

Advisory referendums required on specific issues: This type of referendum would automatically be triggered anytime a constitutional change would be on the cards. Any issue of importance would demand consultation of voters’ opinion about same.

Binding referendums required on specific issues: Like the former model, except that the outcome of the referendum would have to be abided by. Matsusaka avers that  “Mandatory referendums are common among the American states; all but one of them require a vote on constitutional amendments and many require votes on taxes, debt, relocation of the state capital, liquor prohibition, and other matters.”

Binding referendums called by petition: This would allow voters to repeal laws. This method would be akin to Italy’s abrogativo process where its use has been prevalent with 72 referendums held in the last 70 years.

Constitutional amendments proposed by petition: In its most extreme form, Matsusaka states that it would “allow citizens to propose constitutional amendments by initiative, and then approve them by referendum. Several states allow initiatives of this form and, predictably, so does Switzerland.”

Recall Elections

Another weapon that would help correct the incompetence and malpractices of our elected cohort would be the introduction of recall elections. The latter refers to the removal of elected members from office through a vote before the end of their mandates. When introduced in the US in the early 20th century, the recall was looked upon as “a means of bringing some honesty back into politics” (Bowler, 2004). When introduced in 1908 in Oregon, it was heralded as the ‘final crowning act to complete the temple of popular government’ (Barnett,1912).  As with other democracy-broadening ventures, the inherent risks of this inclusion reside in the influence of money on recall initiatives and referendum campaigns (Cronin, 1989).

Supported by Marx and Rousseau and dating back to the Roman Republic, this would be a feature that would empower citizens so that they no longer bear with representatives that have failed them. In Latvia, Slovakia and in some Swiss Cantons, dissolving the whole assembly is also a possibility. This measure would allow for continuous accountability and electors would get to remove incompetent, maligned, unresponsive or irresponsible public officials. As one author puts it, candidates sometimes lie and voters sometimes make mistakes- recall elections is an effective tool to correct their errors of appreciation.

The modus operandi of this method is succinctly described by Bowler (2004): “The initial step to recall is a petition drive demanding that there be a recall election. If the number of signatures reaches a required threshold then a recall election is held. Should the incumbent lose the ‘recall’ then an election is held for his/ her successor. Sometimes the two elections are held simultaneously (as in California), more often there is a short period between the two elections. The recalled official is typically not allowed to stand as his/her own replacement.”

Recall elections serve as a useful reminder to elected representatives that they are not trustees bur merely delegates (Bowler, 2004). They also serve as a means of punishing politicians that would otherwise be left unpunished by the parties. Opponents of recall elections believe that politicians should not be slaves of public opinion. However, we have reached the opposite extreme in Mauritius where politicians are rejecting the expressions of discontent against their actions and public gatherings are being closely monitored by authorities.

This democratisation process cannot materialise unless and until we have a party that is ready to put power where it truly belongs; in the hands of the people. Indiana Democratic congressman Louis Ludlow fought for the holding of a referendum prior to going to war and supported his stance with the following argument “common people who would serve and die in a war ought to vote on whether to enter a conflict.” Likewise, common people who bear the consequences of miscalculated decisions have a right to decide whether these decisions should be taken in the first place. We can trust no one but ourselves.

Readings & Videos:

• Recall and representation Arnold Schwarzenegger meets Edmund Burke, Bowler, S., Representation, 2004
• Can the Recall Improve Electoral Representation? By Pierre-Etienne Vandamme, Frontiers in Political Science, 2020- Accessed on 11/06/2022 https://dial.uclouvain.be/pr/boreal/object/boreal%3A242210/datastream/PDF_01/view
• Initiatives without Engagement A Realistic Appraisal of Direct Democracy’s Secondary Effects By Joshua J. Dyck, Edward L. Lascher Jr.,2019
• Six thèses pour la démocratie continue, D. Rousseau, Odile Jacob, 2022.
• Let the People Rule How Direct Democracy Can Meet the Populist Challenge, Matsusaka, John G., 2020
• OffTheCuff with Prashant Kishor, Political strategist talking with Shekhar Gupta & Neelam Pandey (Link:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NSmSgGVJXPE)
• ¹²³De l’esprit des lois, Montesquieu (1748)

Mauritius Times Interview 29.10.2021

Mauritius Times Interview 29.12.2020

Omerta? (Le Mauricien 17.12.2020)

OMERTA?
Law and order in Pravind Jugnauth’s first reign (i.e with him holding a majority in parliament after standing as the prime ministerial candidate) has proved to be a major concern. The initial enquiry into the death of MSM agent Soopramanien Kistnen concluded that it was a suicide. Astonishingly, the various pieces of evidence on the location where the burnt body was found were seemingly not important enough to indicate foul play. We were informed last week by a Police Sergeant that he was surprised that the suicide option had been privileged for upon visiting the site where the body was found on the 18th of October 2020, he discovered a box of matches, a partially burnt pair of scissors with traces of blood on the blades, a backpack as well as a mobile phone which had neither a sim nor a memory card.

That traces of a red car’s presence and a mobile phone cover have been collected merely some days back by the panel of lawyers and family members raises even more doubts on the way in which the investigation was carried out. On Thursday last, a Minister’s brother gave his version in court, taking the time to detail the various intricacies of an ever-thickening alleged plot. Of course, everyone is considered innocent until proven guilty. Still, the Prime Minister has chosen not to talk. Not even on the glaring misses of the enquiry and the obvious loopholes and unexplored possibilities. The head of government has failed to show any gravitas: a sense of the importance of the matter at hand. The Premier has not addressed the fact that someone with crucial information was interviewed in a mess without having his statement recorded because “it was a sensitive issue”. That Jugnauth chose to give a ‘clean chit’ to a scandal-prone MP from his constituency at a political gathering based on his own investigation is even more worrying. What we have instead of a dignified response to this matter are attempts to tarnish the opposition.

Another issue which has come to light during this enquiry is the inefficiency of the hefty safe city cameras. The Rs 19 billion surveillance state project has showed its obvious limits. At such a costly price financially and in terms of privacy, one would expect greater efforts to be spent in ensuring that a transparent process would be set up. We are entitled to know who watches upon us, what exactly is being recorded and for how long these recordings are kept? Had recordings been available, further cues could have been gleaned. Whether the sought footage is found remains to be seen. Still, there are other avenues that are available to the police. Mauritius ranks high on the number of police officers per capita, otherwise known as the police density index. As at 2013, for every 100,000 people, our country had 987 police officers. Further personnel can potentially be assigned to the case. There are certainly other ways of generating leads: calls for witnesses, asking for CCTV footage from businesses and households, checking mobile exchanges between the departed and others and the ‘bornage telephonique’ of the mobile numbers of Mr. Kistnen amongst others. This will again spur a debate on the need to introduce the ‘juge d’instruction’ (Examining magistrate in the British System) in our system.

Will the Kistnen case like the Angus Road saga not be properly investigated until and unless there is a regime change? Arendt describes the leaders of totalitarian governments as being those who ‘can never admit an error’, their followers as blinded and who have chosen to ‘not trust their eyes and ears’, choosing to welcome propaganda as an ‘escape from reality’. Mauritian citizens would hope that we have not reached this type of cynicism where truth is buried and a morbid code of silence maintained. May the brave ones keep fighting for the truth.
https://www.lemauricien.com/le-mauricien/omerta/393641/